Even while it was being written, there was heavy debate among American and Japanese politicians alike as to whether or not the article may ever be revoked.
Contingent pacifism is often based upon empirical and historicaljudgments about the way wars are fought. Such judgments will varydepending upon changing circumstances. And these judgments are alsocontingent upon the availability of information about why and how warsare fought. It is possible, then, that contingent pacifists can admitthat there may be conflicting judgments about the justice of aparticular war. Unlike contingent pacifism, absolute pacifism rejectswar in an a priori fashion: one of the first principles of absolutepacifism is that war (or violence more generally) is always wrong. Thusabsolute pacifism will claim that any judgment that leads to thejustification of war is wrong.
The basic theory and strategy of nonviolent action were worked outby Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez, Gene Sharp,and others who were engaged in nonviolent social protest in the20th Century. Although the roots of this approach can befound in the long history of pacifism from Jesus onward, theGandhi-King approach both clarified the basic principles of nonviolentresistance and successfully put these principles into action in theIndian struggle for self-determination and in the American civil rightsmovement. One of the important contributions of this approach is the idea thatthere should be a coordination between means and ends. Peaceful meansshould be employed in pursuit of the end of peace andjustice.
Empirical research is required to say whether it is true that whatpacifists often call “the war system” does produce thesenegative political consequences. Judgment about these empirical factswill likely vary in accord with historical, geographical, andpolitical differences, as well as in light of which consequences wechose to emphasize. Thus while pacifists argue that resources aresquandered in war and environmentalists will point out the military isone of the largest polluters on the planet, proponents of war arguethat war and the military produces goods and technologies, such asairplanes, satellites, and so on, that are useful for civilians(Ruttan 2006).
A further consequentialist argument claims that cultures and statesthat fight wars tend to become militaristic and expansionist. This argument focuses on the long-term negative consequences of asocial and political system that is committed to militarism. One ofthese negative consequences is the rise of the so-called“military-industrial complex” in which social capital isexpended on military infrastructure at the expense of other socialprojects. A negative consequence of militarism is the tendency ofmilitarist states to become centralized, secretive, and imperial. Thiscritique of military expansionism can be connected to a generalcritique of the potential negative consequences of imperial power. Onesuch negative consequence is found in the illiberal tendencies ofmilitary power. Another negative consequence can be found in thepossibility of “blow-back” or retaliation in which thosewho are subjugated turn against the colonial power. And other negativeconsequences include the danger of an arms races and the wasted moneyand energy that are spent on preparing for war.
This is the book for those who are seeking an understanding of the roots of the religious and political conflict in Northern Nigeria. This book is for those who want to understand the role of ethnic communities in peacemaking. Complementing ethnic commitments, the book also explores the dynamic ways ethnic loyalties can fray the fabric needed for healthy ethnic diversity. The issues of unity within diversity are addressed forthrightly.
The “pre-scholastic” medieval period includes (1079–1142), and (1033–1109) and the writers of the Carolingian age, but it isdifficult to say how far back this period should be traced. Perhaps itshould include (c. 475/7–526) and Augustine, who were deeply influential inEurope from their own time until the end of the middle ages (andbeyond), though they might also be regarded as belonging to lateAntiquity. Boethius had written or translated from Greek into Latinsome of the logical works studied in the twelfth century schools;Augustine was the dominant influence in medieval theology. Boethiuswrote nothing directly relevant to political philosophy, but Augustinecertainly did, so for the purposes of this article“medieval” begins with Augustine.
This book is for those who want to explore the essential nature of Islam as a peace movement. Complementing that quest, the author also explores the essence of the gospel as a movement for reconciliation. This book is for those who seek a realistic understanding of the nature of conflict and its seemingly intractable stranglehold on societies enmeshed in Muslim-Christian discord. This book is for those who are enlivened and challenged by narratives that unlock the central themes of political and spiritual engagement. Horrible accounts of conflict are described. Also included are accounts of earnest quest for peacemaking in times like these. This book is for those who are committed to the quest for a way for political and spiritual resources to enhance peacemaking cooperation. It is a quest for a way for political, economic, and religious themes to flow together in creating healthy civil society wherein both Muslim and Christian will work together in a quest for collegial relations. This book is for those who are earnestly committed to walking the way of Jesus in embracing the suffering love revealed in the open and inviting arms of the Lamb of God on the cross. This book is a revelation of the reconciling love of Jesus, bringing hope within broken hearts.
By medieval political philosophy we understand the medievalwritings on politics that are recognizably akin to the modern writingswe class as political philosophy. Their authors were usually academicswho wrote with university-educated readers in mind; they drew uponideas explored in the schools and they wrote in an academic way. Somewrote commentaries on Aristotle’s Politics and academic“disputed questions” related to topics of politicalphilosophy. However, political philosophy was not part of theuniversity core curriculum (Miethke 2000b). The authors of politicalwritings generally did not write these works in the course of theirteaching duties. Generally they wrote in response to some politicalevent. Some wrote for the edification of a king or other ruler, otherssought to influence conflicts between the Church and secular rulers,others were concerned with conflicts within the Church about theconstitution of the Church and the powers of popes and councils. Oftenthey were committed to one or other side in these conflicts—manyclerics supported secular rulers in their conflicts with theChurch.
Visit for full instructions The Christian view of war has changed throughout the history of the faith.The early church (the first 300 years) was strongly pacifist.
In , comes to the and finds people selling “ and and , and the money changers seated at their tables.” Jesus sees that the religious leaders have turned this, His father’s house of , into a marketplace. Instead of prayers and supplications, there is the noise of commerce. Jesus is burning with anger and indignation. The zeal for His father’s house consumes Him.